The
possibility that various European, African, or Asian cultures might have
“discovered” the Americas
centuries or even millennia before Columbus
is a wildly popular idea. Numerous books, magazines, and television programs
have been devoted to the topic. Most of these claims are complete nonsense, but
at least one has the distinction of having been championed by a respected
archaeologist who works for the normally reputable Smithsonian Institution.
In my May column for the Columbus Dispatch, I
consider the hypothesis, championed by the late Betty J. Meggers, that
fishermen from Japan's Jomon culture, perhaps swept out to sea by a major
storm, survived a prolonged sea voyage to end up on the shores of Ecuador where
they introduced their ideas about how pottery should be made.
Meggers, writing
in the Winter 1980 issue of the unfortunately short-lived magazine Early Man, described how Emilio Estrada,
“a young Ecuadorian businessman” and dedicated avocational archaeologist, along
with Clifford Evans, a fellow Smithsonian archaeologist, and Meggers came up
with the “hypothesis of a pre-columbian introduction of pottery making from
Japan to Ecuador.”
Here, in
her own words, is a brief summary of how they came up with the idea:
“During
late 1960, Estrada undertook a large excavation at Valdivia, which provided a much bigger sample
of pottery from the earliest levels. The following spring, he wrote us a letter
with a novel suggestion. He had encountered a report on the Jomon pottery of Japan and observed that many of the techniques
and motifs of decoration were similar to those of Valdivia.
Having been
taught in graduate school that transpacific contacts were irrelevant to
explaining the origins of New World traits, we
reacted with skepticism. When we examined his sources, however, we found to our
surprise that the similarities were closer and more numerous than anything we
had been able to find within the Americas. Following the rules
traditionally employed by archeologists for establishing affiliations made it
necessary to infer that Jomon and Valdivia were related. This implied a
transpacific contact about the beginning of the third millennium B.C.”
Among the
specific decorative traits and rim treatments shared by Jomon and Valdivia
pottery are the following:
1.
Broad-line incision
2.
Excision
3. Red
slip
4.
Finger grooving
5.
Shell stamping
6.
Combing
7. Cord
impression
8.
Rocker stamping
9.
Folded-over rim
10. Short spout
There are
essentially two alternative explanations for the similarities. Either the two
traditions developed independently and the similarities are entirely
coincidental, or one gave rise to the other through the direct transfer of
knowledge via transpacific contact.
For Meggers,
the “rules traditionally employed by archaeologists for establishing
affiliations” required accepting the transpacific contact hypothesis as the
preferred explanation for the facts.
Those
“rules,” at the time Meggers and her colleagues were developing their
hypothesis, were based on the view that similarities and differences in
artifacts were a simple reflection of the social identities of their makers.
Therefore, the degree of similarity between artifacts at different sites
provided a direct measure of the degree of the social relationships between the
people living at those sites. Lewis Binford and others subsequently challenged
this “cultural historical” approach to the analysis of artifacts and
assemblages, but without going into this debate it seems surprising to me that
Meggers could not see the difference between applying this line of reasoning to
assemblages of artifacts from neighboring valleys and applying it to assemblages on opposite
sides of the Pacific Ocean in the absence of other convincing evidence of
contact between those distant places. Isn’t it obvious that, as a general rule,
the plausibility of an argument for a cultural relationship between groups of
people making similar looking artifacts would decrease with increasing
geographic distance between the groups?
Given the
strong arguments against the idea of pre-Columbian contacts between the Americas
and the rest of the world and the long history of failure of all such arguments
that had been proposed up to that time, it seems to me that Meggers and her
colleagues were extraordinarily naive to think their data constituted a strong
case for transpacific contact or that their arguments would convince the
archaeological community.
The new
genetic evidence for a possible connection between Jomon Japan and Valdivian Ecuador, which
I discuss in my Dispatch column,
provides a measure of vindication for Meggers, but it does not mean that the
archaeological community should have accepted the evidence as it was presented
in the 1960s.
Robert
Pirsig has written that “the real purpose of the scientific method is to make
sure Nature hasn’t misled you into thinking you know something you don’t
actually know.”
Meggers
thought she knew something back in 1965. She may, indeed, have been on to
something, but she actually didn’t know it. The evidence was not sufficient to
support her extraordinary claim.
Oddly
enough, another Smithsonian archaeologist, Dennis Stanford is now making the
even more extraordinary claim that the Paleolithic European Solutrean culture
colonized eastern North American introducing the Clovis
point to this hemisphere. The hypothesis is not widely accepted and, unlike the
Jomon hypothesis, it is not supported by the genetic record.
Finally, it
should go without saying (but won’t) that even if it can be confirmed that the
Jomon culture did, indeed, make contact with ancient Ecuadorans, that would in
no may make any of the other claims for pre-Columbian contact any more
plausible. Each such claim must stand or fall on the merits of the evidence marshaled for
that particular claim.
FOR FURTHER
READING
Craig, O.
E., et al.
2013
Earliest evidence for the use of pottery. Nature,
Volume 496, pages 351-354.
Daggett,
Richard E.
1978 The
life cycle of an idea: transpacific voyages and American archaeology. Journal of the Virgin
Islands Archaeological Society No. 6, pp. 13-22.
Ebbesmeyer,
Curtis and Eric Scigliano
2009 Borne
on a Black Current. Smithsonian.com
Estrada,
Emilio and Betty J. Meggers
1962
Possible transpacific contact on the coast of Ecuador. Science, Volume 135, Number 3501, pages 371-372.
McEqan,
Gordon F. and D. Bruce Dickson
1978
Valdivia, Jomon fishermen, and the nature of the North Pacific: some nautical
problems with Meggers, Evans, and Estrada's (1965) transoceanic contact thesis.
American Antiquity Volume 43, Number 3,
pages 362-371.
Meggers,
Betty J.
1972 Prehistoric America. Aldine, Chicago.
Meggers, Betty
J., Clifford Evans and Emilio Estrada
Roewer,
Lutz, et al.
Brad Lepper